Where are all the liberal humanitarians now?
When I was in graduate school in the 1990s—and this continued into the aughts and 2010s—the dominant idea in liberal foreign policy circles was that of “humanitarian intervention.” The claim was that though states should ordinarily respect the sovereignty of other states, under extreme circumstances, say of genocide or ethnic cleansing, it was not just the right, but the obligation, of the international community, to take coercive action, including using military force and violence, to stop the genocide or ethnic cleansing.
Occasionally, the theory went, this might involve or entail toppling the regime that was engaged in the genocide. Thus Vietnam was allowed to invade Cambodia and overthrow the Khmer Rouge, Tanzania was allowed to invade Uganda and topple the Idi Amin regime, NATO overthrew Milosevic, France invaded Rwanda to establish a safe zone there for the Tutsi, and so on.
While these actions were often framed as the obligation of “international community,” the fact that the actors were usually neighboring states or former colonial overseers suggests that power politics was accepted as a legitimate adjunct to the humanitarian intervention regime. That local or former colonial states might have other interests besides humanitarian ones—that the interveners were not always the United Nations as a whole—did not detract from the fact that military violence was being used to stop genocide.
Again, this was a common liberal mainstream opinion between the early 1990s up through the Obama administration, which saw NATO intervene in Libya on similar grounds.
Now we’re confronted with a genocide in Gaza. Should neighboring states be authorized to invade Israel and stop the genocide there, even if that means the Netanyahu regime is toppled? (And don’t forget: the Vietnamese who overthrew the Khmer Rouge were hardly models of liberalism or democracy themselves.) What say the liberal humanitarians now? Where have all the liberal humanitarians gone?
Discover more from Corey Robin
Subscribe to get the latest posts sent to your email.
-
Your thinking looks critical
Where it points is the dilemma facing an empire crippled by itself and tied to a satellite gone rogue -
Sadly, the number six million comes up anytime anyone suggests Israel might be less than honorable (or, say, genocidal) in their Middle Eastern war policies. It’s been a frequently played card, now wearing extremely thin at the edges.
-
Germans remember the six million in order to forget the seventeen million civilians they killed in their war of racial extermination against the Slavs. Their much-vaunted “memory culture” (a state project) highlights the technocratic nature of the death camps, and focuses attention on 2.6 million Jews killed within them, who are made to stand for all Jewish victims of the Holocaust, with relatively less attention on the 3.4 million Jews who were murdered by the same (and less technocratic means) as the Slavic victims of the Nazi race war. This was both in order to downplay the Wermacht’s responsibility for those murders, and to imply that the Jews were the sole (or most important) victims, according to a Cold War logic in which western-occupied Germany was rehabilitated as member in good standing of the Capitalist struggle against Communism, instead of paying reparations to the USSR and celebrating their Red Army’s extraordinary sacrifice in ridding the world of Naziism, while the Americans waited safely on the sidelines until the last possible minute, opening a new front only when absolutely necessary to prevent all of western Europe being liberated by the Red Army.
-
-
Apart from the obvious reason of the Israel lobby, I can’t think of any I stance of “humanitarian intervention” against a nuclear armed state. Talking about the Israel lobby means we don’t have to talk about the Samson Option. To the extent that we continue to omit this inconvenient hypocrisy from our analyses, we bias our analyses towards conclusions that inevitably reinforce zionists’ self-aggrandizing mythologies, such as them just being “better organized” and better at leveraging “legitimate channels of political influence” that all groups have access to in America’s pluralist democracy.
-
*can’t think of any instance
-
-
Where have all the liberal humanitarians gone?
American Zionists have picked them one by one?
(Oh, when will we ever learn?
Oh, when will we ever learn?) -
I don’t know. Same place they’ve always been? I know you’re trying to highlight their hypocrisy, and I hope it works. I just don’t think any of them actually care beyond what it can personally help in terms of status signaling or career advancement.
-
This is one of the fairly rare occasions on which Corey is posting about a subject I know something about.
A few remarks. The doctrine of humanitarian intervention is an old one– it goes quite a ways back as a part of what international lawyers call customary international law. The basic idea was that intervention was permitted in situations that “shocked the conscience.” However, the notion of humanitarian intervention, despite being a venerable one, has always been somewhat controversial.
Moreover, as Martha Finnemore observed in her 2003 book _The Purpose of Intervention: Changing Beliefs about the Use of Force_, prevailing ideas in “the international community” (how precisely to define that I’ll put aside for now) about humanitarian intervention have changed over time. For instance, in the 19th century those who could “successfully claim humanitarian protection” were white Christians (as, e.g., a persecuted minority in the Ottoman empire); by the end of the twentieth cent. the groups claiming protection were mostly non-white and non-Christian. Second, and significantly, Finnemore noted that “humanitarian intervention now must be multilateral in order to be acceptable and legitimate.” (p. 53)
[continued in next box]
-
[continuation]
So the unilateral interventions — i.e., by a single country — of the second half of the twentieth cent. — Vietnam into Cambodia, Tanzania into Uganda, India into what was then East Pakistan in Dec. 1971 — were not generally recognized by the UN or most other countries as humanitarian interventions, even though they did have humanitarian consequences and were “allowed” in the sense that other countries did not stop them. (There were also very mixed motives in these cases, as there are in most interventions, unilateral or multilateral.)
All that said, the OP is, of course, right that military intervention under the banner of humanitarian intervention or “the responsibility to protect” is not on the table w.r.t. Gaza, for a variety of reasons, many of which are sort of obvious (which doesn’t necessarily mean they are good reasons); but then also in Sudan, which seems to be a case of blatant war crimes and ethnic cleansing on both sides of that civil war, there has been no multilateral military intervention that I’m aware of, though there are ongoing outside efforts to end the conflict.
For reading (with the caveat that I do not ‘keep up with the literature’ since I’m not an employed academic), I would suggest, as two starting points, ch. 3 of the Finnemore book already mentioned; and M. Akehurst, “Humanitarian Intervention,” in Hedley Bull, ed., _Intervention in World Politics_ (1984). On the India/E. Pakistan case, see Srinath Raghavan, _1971: A Global History of the Creation of Bangladesh_ (2013), and Gary Bass, _The Blood Telegram_.