Every road leads to the tariff
In the New Left Review, I think out loud about the longue durée of the tariff question in American politics.
Tariffs occupy an outsized place in the American imagination. The first proposal entertained by Congress was a tariff. The slaveholding South first pondered secession, in 1832, over a tariff. After the Civil War, Republicans declared the tariff ‘the foundationstone’ of their crusade against the Democrats. In 1896, William McKinley ran on the slogan ‘Protection and Prosperity’. In 1930, Herbert Hoover destroyed whatever chance he had at reelection for the sake of the tariff. Teddy Roosevelt caught the crazed drift of the country when he declared that, in any discussion of the tariff, ‘I am not meeting a material need but a mental attitude.’
The tariff is a proxy for other people’s poison.
I also take on the comparison between Trump and McKinley, encouraged by Trump and the Trumpologists, and what it tells us about our political moment.
Trump and the Trumpologists often compare him to McKinley. But where McKinley used the tariff to unite the masses and the classes, Trump’s tariffs – and the markets they’re roiling – threaten to drive a wedge through his coalition…
And I try to think through what that little court case in Florida over the tariff question might portend.
In America, the political scientist Louis Hartz unhappily noted, law flourishes ‘on the corpse’ of political imagination. Every social antagonism gets fed into the maw of the Constitution or the courts. That means, however, that every text of law and the courts contains a spark of social friction, ready to set the political field on fire. The trick is to find it.
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I think we’re seeing what you wrote about back in 2016: with the Right de facto ascendant (and very much used to/complacent about it), Trump at least feels he has the freedom to indulge himself while still giving the Right (largely) what it wants. I find it hard to imagine so evidently egotistical a person willing to accept marching orders from anyone else (much less wealthier parasites), so it makes sense for him to go “populist” where he can bask in open adulation, especially when he can tell his own followers that he’s responding to their needs for protection and tweaking the noses of the liberals and “their” pet project of free trade. The lawsuit from Emily Ley Paper seems like an attempt by the more “less populist/elitist” wing of the Right to rein “their” boy in.
I have to admit to a lot of curiosity as to how the Supremes will act: will they bite the hand of the man who actually put them in place so others they might professionally respect more will praise them for their help, or will they kiss Trump’s ring and attack the ones behind him? (I’m tending to think the former: it really looks as though Trump can’t help but see other people simply either as his own personal tools or personal obstacles to be swept away to soothe his own anxieties; I don’t doubt most of the Court takes a dim view of such an attitude.)